NEBE warns against coercion in voter registration, threatens action
via The Reporter Ethiopia7 min read
The National Election Board of Ethiopia NEBE has issued a warning against unlawful practices during ongoing voter registration for the seventh general election. The Board reported receiving complaints of door-to-door campaigns pressuring citizens to obtain voter cards, attempts to link voter registration with access to public services, and even salary deductions. NEBE clarified that only the Board itself, or authorized civil society organizations and educational institutions, can conduct voter education. Political parties registered for the election are permitted to conduct campaign activities. The Board has formally notified all regional and city administrations to ensure officials refrain from such coercive tactics. NEBE emphasized that voter registration is not mandatory and is a constitutional right based on individual consent. The Board is monitoring the situation and stated that institutions and individuals involved in these practices will be publicly exposed, with potential actions including the suspension of voting in affected areas if violations persist. Citizens are encouraged to report any attempts to undermine this right.
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This summary was AI-generated from a story originally published by The Reporter Ethiopia.
Must ReadThe Ethiopian Civil Society Organizations Coalition for Election CECOE reported that the voter registration process for the country’s seventh general election was marked by repeated digital system failures, limited accessibility for people with disabilities, and security incidents. These incidents included killings, abductions, and intimidation targeting election officials. CECOE, accredited by the National Election Board of Ethiopia NEBE, deployed 522 long-term observers to nearly 4,400 voter registration centers across all regional states and city administrations, excluding Tigray. The coalition noted that while 97 percent of registration centers were in legally authorized sites, some operated from prohibited locations such as military camps, police facilities, religious institutions, health centers, bars, hotels, political party offices, and private residences. Interruptions affected a third of manual registration centers and over a quarter of digital centers. Accessibility was a major concern, with only 12 percent of manual and 23 percent of tablet-based stations independently accessible to people with disabilities. Similarly, only 11 percent of manual and 20 percent of digital centers were accessible to the elderly, pregnant women, and parents with infants. However, about 90 percent of both manual and tablet-based stations were considered reasonably accessible and secure for women. The report documented one killing of an election official, two attempted killings, seven a
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Must ReadDespite being educated, networked, and aware of grievances, Tigrayan youth and pro-reform elites have struggled to achieve a non-violent transition away from the dominance of TPLF hardliners. This failure is attributed to historical legacies, coercive control, elite fragmentation, war fatigue, external interventions, and survival calculations. The article outlines five interacting factors: historical contingency shaping political identity, the coercive capture of security institutions by hardliners, elite fragmentation co-opting youth energy, war fatigue leading to a preference for stability, and external actors reshaping opportunity structures. A roadmap for non-violent transformation proposes four measures: a verifiable security deconcentration process, inclusive political engineering beyond personality politics, economic stabilization and civic reintegration, and a strategic civic coalition and communication plan. Potential positive scenarios include a managed stalemate evolving into gradual political opening, or a tipping point from successful decentralization of coercive structures. Conversely, negative scenarios include hardliner consolidation, intra-Tigrayan civil war, radicalization of disempowered youth, regional destabilization, and permanent political fragmentation. The article concludes that rekindling confidence among Tigrayan youth and elites requires verifiable, staged changes that reduce existential risks, supported by impartial external facilitation, calibrat