
Tuareg rebels in Mali, allied with jihadist groups, have seized control of the key northern city of Kidal following a series of significant attacks on strategic junta positions. This development has plunged the country into uncertainty regarding the military regime's future. The Malian government faces a critical situation, unprecedented since the 2020 coup, with the Minister of Defense Sadio Camara reportedly killed, and General Assimi Goïta, head of the junta, not seen or heard from since hostilities began on Saturday morning. Mali is grappling with a severe security crisis after attacks launched by jihadists from the Group for the Support of Islam and Muslims JNIM, allied with Al-Qaeda and the independentist Tuareg rebellion of the Azawad Liberation Front FLA. Mali, a vast Sahelian country, has been plagued by conflicts and jihadist violence since 2012. Prime Minister Abdoulaye Maiga stated on Monday that the enemy's goal was to seize power by dismantling state institutions. He assured that lessons would be learned to make necessary corrections for better security and urged the population not to panic. Neither the FLA nor the JNIM had claimed to seek power. France expressed its concern over the attacks, condemning violence against civilians and hoping for lasting peace and stability in Mali. Kidal, which was under rebel control for decades, had returned to Malian state control in November 2023, supported by the army and Russian paramilitary group Wagner now Africa Corps. I
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Must ReadFollowing the launch of Kiiraay – Les Patriotes Républicains on July 25 in Dakar, Pastef is responding to defections and criticism. The party, led by Ousmane Sonko, president of the National Assembly, faces a new reality as the head of state now has his own party, and several Pastef members have joined it. Pastef is downplaying these departures, with the newspaper Yoor Yoor reporting "a few dozen resignations of personalities" while highlighting a "tidal wave" of new Pastef members. Pastef maintains a significant advantage in the National Assembly, controlling 130 out of 165 seats, which remains intact despite Kiiraay's creation. The name "Kiiraay" itself has become a point of contention. While Bassirou Diomaye Faye claims it means "protection" or "shield" in Wolof, other sources suggest it means "what is hidden or concealed," leading to mockery from Sonko's allies. The creation of Kiiraay also forces ministers close to Sonko to choose between joining the new presidential structure or remaining loyal to Pastef. This decision will indicate the power balance between the two executive leaders. Kiiraay plans a national tour and a congress after the rainy season. This political realignment creates three blocs: Kiiraay, Pastef, and Macky Sall's APR, potentially leading to early legislative elections.

The Embassy of the Republic of Guinea in Dakar, which also covers Gambia, Mauritania, and Cape Verde, has announced a general increase in visa and residency card fees, effective August 1, 2026. This revision follows a circular note from the Guinean Ministry of Foreign Affairs, African Integration, and Guineans Abroad, dated July 9. The new tariffs include an entry visa at $100, a transit visa at $50, a transshipment visa at $50, an extension visa at $100, and a long-stay visa at $500. Residency cards for African nationals outside ECOWAS will cost $200, while those for resident foreigners and workers will be $500. The embassy clarified that biometric passport fees remain unchanged. All applications for an entry visa to the Republic of Guinea must be submitted through the official electronic platform, paf.gov.gn/visa, as visas are no longer issued directly on passports.

Amadou Ba, a Pastef deputy, has openly criticized the government's management and its adherence to electoral deadlines, citing what he perceives as economic and political threats to Senegal. Ba's remarks follow a statement by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye, interpreted by many as a jab at Ousmane Sonko, which Ba has now turned back on the President. Ba identified two main threats to Senegal's stability and good governance. The first, termed "economic fitna," involves entrusting public management to individuals previously accused of economic predation, while simultaneously blocking accountability for beneficiaries of hidden debt in favor of political opportunism. The second, labeled "political fitna," refers to subordinating the constitutional electoral calendar to calculations favoring a single political party, attempting to eliminate opponents by labeling them as violent, and imposing reconciliation without justice or reparations on victims of political repression, a practice he likens to the former regime.