Federal High Court lifts injunction against National Election Board of Ethiopia
via The Reporter Ethiopia6 min read
The Federal High Court has lifted an injunction that previously prevented the National Election Board of Ethiopia NEBE from implementing a decision by the House of Federation. This decision concerned five contested constituencies between the Amhara and Tigray regional states. The injunction was initially issued after Simeret Party filed a lawsuit against the Election Board. The House of Federation's letter to the Election Board stated that these five constituencies should hold independent elections for representation in the House of Peoples’ Representatives, outside the Tigray regional government's jurisdiction, until the territorial dispute is resolved. Simeret Party announced on March 11, 2026, that it had withdrawn its lawsuit. The party explained its withdrawal by stating that the letter from the House of Federation to the Election Board had not been approved by the Council’s plenary session, but was issued solely by the Speaker of the House. Simeret Party argued that a decision is legally binding only if discussed and approved by members during a plenary session and adopted through a vote. The party concluded that continuing the legal dispute based on a document lacking proper legal foundation would waste court time and public resources.
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This summary was AI-generated from a story originally published by The Reporter Ethiopia.
Must ReadThe Ethiopian Civil Society Organizations Coalition for Election CECOE reported that the voter registration process for the country’s seventh general election was marked by repeated digital system failures, limited accessibility for people with disabilities, and security incidents. These incidents included killings, abductions, and intimidation targeting election officials. CECOE, accredited by the National Election Board of Ethiopia NEBE, deployed 522 long-term observers to nearly 4,400 voter registration centers across all regional states and city administrations, excluding Tigray. The coalition noted that while 97 percent of registration centers were in legally authorized sites, some operated from prohibited locations such as military camps, police facilities, religious institutions, health centers, bars, hotels, political party offices, and private residences. Interruptions affected a third of manual registration centers and over a quarter of digital centers. Accessibility was a major concern, with only 12 percent of manual and 23 percent of tablet-based stations independently accessible to people with disabilities. Similarly, only 11 percent of manual and 20 percent of digital centers were accessible to the elderly, pregnant women, and parents with infants. However, about 90 percent of both manual and tablet-based stations were considered reasonably accessible and secure for women. The report documented one killing of an election official, two attempted killings, seven a
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Must ReadDespite being educated, networked, and aware of grievances, Tigrayan youth and pro-reform elites have struggled to achieve a non-violent transition away from the dominance of TPLF hardliners. This failure is attributed to historical legacies, coercive control, elite fragmentation, war fatigue, external interventions, and survival calculations. The article outlines five interacting factors: historical contingency shaping political identity, the coercive capture of security institutions by hardliners, elite fragmentation co-opting youth energy, war fatigue leading to a preference for stability, and external actors reshaping opportunity structures. A roadmap for non-violent transformation proposes four measures: a verifiable security deconcentration process, inclusive political engineering beyond personality politics, economic stabilization and civic reintegration, and a strategic civic coalition and communication plan. Potential positive scenarios include a managed stalemate evolving into gradual political opening, or a tipping point from successful decentralization of coercive structures. Conversely, negative scenarios include hardliner consolidation, intra-Tigrayan civil war, radicalization of disempowered youth, regional destabilization, and permanent political fragmentation. The article concludes that rekindling confidence among Tigrayan youth and elites requires verifiable, staged changes that reduce existential risks, supported by impartial external facilitation, calibrat