Federal High Court issues injunction on NEBE decision regarding regional elections in disputed districts
via The Reporter Ethiopia1 min read
The Federal High Court has issued an injunction against a decision by the National Election Board of Ethiopia NEBE to suspend regional elections in five districts contested by the Tigray and Amhara regions. The NEBE had previously announced that residents in Humera, Adiremets, Korem Afla, Telemt, and Alamata, areas formerly under Tigray's jurisdiction, would only vote for federal representatives in the upcoming June elections. This decision, based on a House of Federation ruling, aimed to postpone regional council elections until territorial disputes are resolved. Political parties in Tigray, including TPLF and Simret, criticized the NEBE's announcement. Simret, led by former Tigray president Getachew Reda, appealed to the federal high court, which subsequently ordered the injunction. The Board and Simret are scheduled to appear in court on March 4, 2026.
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This summary was AI-generated from a story originally published by The Reporter Ethiopia.
Must ReadThe Ethiopian Civil Society Organizations Coalition for Election CECOE reported that the voter registration process for the country’s seventh general election was marked by repeated digital system failures, limited accessibility for people with disabilities, and security incidents. These incidents included killings, abductions, and intimidation targeting election officials. CECOE, accredited by the National Election Board of Ethiopia NEBE, deployed 522 long-term observers to nearly 4,400 voter registration centers across all regional states and city administrations, excluding Tigray. The coalition noted that while 97 percent of registration centers were in legally authorized sites, some operated from prohibited locations such as military camps, police facilities, religious institutions, health centers, bars, hotels, political party offices, and private residences. Interruptions affected a third of manual registration centers and over a quarter of digital centers. Accessibility was a major concern, with only 12 percent of manual and 23 percent of tablet-based stations independently accessible to people with disabilities. Similarly, only 11 percent of manual and 20 percent of digital centers were accessible to the elderly, pregnant women, and parents with infants. However, about 90 percent of both manual and tablet-based stations were considered reasonably accessible and secure for women. The report documented one killing of an election official, two attempted killings, seven a
Ethiopia's Ministry of Finance announced the restoration of daily diesel supply to nine million liters, following a two-month period of reduced volume due to supply disruptions caused by the US-Israeli war in Iran. Fuel trucks have begun transporting diesel from Djibouti to Addis Ababa, with more expected to reach regional towns and cities. This development is anticipated to alleviate the challenges faced by truck and public transport drivers who have experienced long queues at pumping stations. The diesel crisis had previously impacted food and commodity prices, particularly fresh produce, and led to a nearly 17 percent increase in diesel retail prices to 163.09 Bir per liter. Reports also indicated a rise in illicit fuel trade during the disruption. Talks between the US and Iran have stalled after eight weeks of fighting, raising concerns about shipping through the Strait of Hormuz.
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Must ReadDespite being educated, networked, and aware of grievances, Tigrayan youth and pro-reform elites have struggled to achieve a non-violent transition away from the dominance of TPLF hardliners. This failure is attributed to historical legacies, coercive control, elite fragmentation, war fatigue, external interventions, and survival calculations. The article outlines five interacting factors: historical contingency shaping political identity, the coercive capture of security institutions by hardliners, elite fragmentation co-opting youth energy, war fatigue leading to a preference for stability, and external actors reshaping opportunity structures. A roadmap for non-violent transformation proposes four measures: a verifiable security deconcentration process, inclusive political engineering beyond personality politics, economic stabilization and civic reintegration, and a strategic civic coalition and communication plan. Potential positive scenarios include a managed stalemate evolving into gradual political opening, or a tipping point from successful decentralization of coercive structures. Conversely, negative scenarios include hardliner consolidation, intra-Tigrayan civil war, radicalization of disempowered youth, regional destabilization, and permanent political fragmentation. The article concludes that rekindling confidence among Tigrayan youth and elites requires verifiable, staged changes that reduce existential risks, supported by impartial external facilitation, calibrat