
Winger Abde Ezzalzouli and defender Nayef Aguerd have been removed from the Moroccan national team for the World Cup due to injuries, just two days before their opening match against Brazil. This is a significant blow for the Atlas Lions. The FIFA updated the list of 26 players from the Royal Moroccan Football Federation, showing that Ezzalzouli and Aguerd have been replaced by Angers left-winger Amine Sbaï and Al-Fateh club defender Marwane Saadane. Ezzalzouli sustained a right knee sprain during the first half of a preparatory match against Norway. Aguerd has been sidelined since March after surgery for a groin injury. The absence of Ezzalzouli, 24, is particularly impactful given his impressive form with Betis this season, where he played a key role in the team's fifth-place finish in La Liga and qualification for the Champions League. He also contributed to the club reaching the Europa League quarterfinals. Aguerd's experience as a central defender and his contribution to the 2022 World Cup semi-finalists were highly valued by the new coach, Mohamed Ouahbi. Morocco faces a shortage of experienced central defenders following the retirement of former captain Romain Saïss, the injury of Torino defender Adam Masina during the last Africa Cup of Nations, and the long unavailability of Crystal Palace defender Chadi Riad, who has just returned to competition. Fulham defender Issa Diop, who chose to represent Morocco, has joined the team.
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Must ReadFollowing the launch of Kiiraay – Les Patriotes Républicains on July 25 in Dakar, Pastef is responding to defections and criticism. The party, led by Ousmane Sonko, president of the National Assembly, faces a new reality as the head of state now has his own party, and several Pastef members have joined it. Pastef is downplaying these departures, with the newspaper Yoor Yoor reporting "a few dozen resignations of personalities" while highlighting a "tidal wave" of new Pastef members. Pastef maintains a significant advantage in the National Assembly, controlling 130 out of 165 seats, which remains intact despite Kiiraay's creation. The name "Kiiraay" itself has become a point of contention. While Bassirou Diomaye Faye claims it means "protection" or "shield" in Wolof, other sources suggest it means "what is hidden or concealed," leading to mockery from Sonko's allies. The creation of Kiiraay also forces ministers close to Sonko to choose between joining the new presidential structure or remaining loyal to Pastef. This decision will indicate the power balance between the two executive leaders. Kiiraay plans a national tour and a congress after the rainy season. This political realignment creates three blocs: Kiiraay, Pastef, and Macky Sall's APR, potentially leading to early legislative elections.

The Embassy of the Republic of Guinea in Dakar, which also covers Gambia, Mauritania, and Cape Verde, has announced a general increase in visa and residency card fees, effective August 1, 2026. This revision follows a circular note from the Guinean Ministry of Foreign Affairs, African Integration, and Guineans Abroad, dated July 9. The new tariffs include an entry visa at $100, a transit visa at $50, a transshipment visa at $50, an extension visa at $100, and a long-stay visa at $500. Residency cards for African nationals outside ECOWAS will cost $200, while those for resident foreigners and workers will be $500. The embassy clarified that biometric passport fees remain unchanged. All applications for an entry visa to the Republic of Guinea must be submitted through the official electronic platform, paf.gov.gn/visa, as visas are no longer issued directly on passports.

Amadou Ba, a Pastef deputy, has openly criticized the government's management and its adherence to electoral deadlines, citing what he perceives as economic and political threats to Senegal. Ba's remarks follow a statement by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye, interpreted by many as a jab at Ousmane Sonko, which Ba has now turned back on the President. Ba identified two main threats to Senegal's stability and good governance. The first, termed "economic fitna," involves entrusting public management to individuals previously accused of economic predation, while simultaneously blocking accountability for beneficiaries of hidden debt in favor of political opportunism. The second, labeled "political fitna," refers to subordinating the constitutional electoral calendar to calculations favoring a single political party, attempting to eliminate opponents by labeling them as violent, and imposing reconciliation without justice or reparations on victims of political repression, a practice he likens to the former regime.