
STB Bank plans to distribute dividends for the 2025 financial year, proposing 0.2 dinar per share, totaling 31 million dinars. This marks the first proposed distribution since June 2010, which covered the 1999 financial year. The decision is contingent on approval from the Central Bank of Tunisia BCT. The bank's board of directors approved the financial statements on April 6, 2026, showing a net individual profit of 65.9 million dinars for 2025, down from 82.5 million dinars in 2024. Consolidated net profit also decreased to 58.7 million dinars from 91.1 million dinars in 2024. Shareholders had expressed frustration over the absence of dividends for 2024, despite strong performance. The BCT maintains strict guidelines for dividend distribution for 2025, outlined in circular n°2026-3. Banks can distribute up to 35% of net profit if solvency and Tier 1 ratios exceed regulatory minimums by 2.5%, or without limit with prior BCT agreement if these ratios exceed 2.5% and 3.5% respectively. Prior BCT approval is also required for institutions not meeting prudential capital adequacy standards or if auditors have issued reservations on their financial statements. The Ordinary General Assembly to approve the 2025 accounts is scheduled for April 30, 2026.
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Tunisia's foreign currency receipts from Tunisians residing abroad TRE and tourism continued to grow, reaching over 8.4 billion dinars by July 10, 2026. This represents an increase of nearly 390 million dinars compared to the same period in 2025, according to monetary and financial indicators published by the Central Bank of Tunisia on Thursday, July 16, 2026. Cumulative cash work income, primarily from TRE, amounted to 4.74 billion dinars, up from 4.51 billion dinars a year earlier, marking a 5.10% annual increase. Tourism revenues also rose, reaching 3.68 billion dinars by July 10, 2026, compared to 3.52 billion dinars on the same date in 2025, an increase of 4.49%. Combined, these two sources generated 8.43 billion dinars in foreign currency by July 10, 2026, up from 8.04 billion dinars a year prior, a 4.83% increase. These sectors remain crucial for Tunisia's foreign currency supply and play an essential role in financing the country's external balances, especially given the high trade deficit and the impact of energy costs on external accounts. In 2025, total receipts from TRE and tourism were 16.86 billion dinars, compared to 15.86 billion dinars in 2024, an increase of 996.2 million dinars or 6.28%.
The European Left Party has strongly condemned death threats targeting Hamma Hammami, Secretary General of the Tunisian Workers' Party, and other opposition figures. These threats followed the broadcast of a video containing violent remarks and calls for hatred. In a statement issued on Thursday, July 16, 2026, the European organization expressed full solidarity with Hamma Hammami, his family, and the Workers' Party, emphasizing that political differences do not justify intimidation or threats against political actors expressing critical views. The European Left Party urged Tunisian authorities to immediately ensure the safety of those targeted, conduct a thorough investigation into the threats' origin, and prosecute those responsible, warning that impunity fuels political violence and erodes democratic freedoms. The organization also reaffirmed its commitment to freedom of expression, political pluralism, and the right of opposition forces to operate without persecution. This reaction comes amid growing concern over the proliferation of hate speech in Tunisia's public and digital spheres. The Tunisian League for Human Rights had previously raised an alarm on Wednesday, July 15, 2026, regarding the same video, denouncing an escalation of hate speech and incitement to violence on social media. The League called for an urgent and independent criminal investigation to identify those responsible and protect the targeted individuals, including Mohamed Abbou, Ezzedine Hazgui, Samir
Former Minister Faouzi Ben Abderrahman, in a Facebook post on Thursday, July 16, offered a strong critique of Tunisia's current governance. He argues that the Kaïs Saïed regime has progressively stripped political life of its substance, a pattern he believes echoes the final years of former President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali's rule. Ben Abderrahman states that Kaïs Saïed has "killed politics," which not only weakens parties, opposition, and intermediary bodies but also undermines the government itself by depriving it of mechanisms to understand societal changes and adapt to economic, social, and political realities. He suggests that public affairs management has shifted to the administration, with judicial and security institutions becoming primary tools to neutralize dissent. While acknowledging the Tunisian administration's role in daily state management, he asserts it cannot replace political action, lacking the necessary vision, negotiation capacity, and political legitimacy for a national project. He emphasizes that a development plan is a political project, not just a technical document, requiring societal choices, economic strategy, and the ability to mobilize actors around a common vision. The absence of this political dimension, he claims, weakens the country's capacity for development planning and competitiveness. Ben Abderrahman also highlights a weakening of political parties, historical national organizations, and press freedom. He observes that judicial and secur